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The Fall of the Qin
The Rise of the Han
The downfall of the Qin, more dramatic and sudden even
than its rise, had a profound effect upon the thinking of the Chinese.
It proved to their satisfaction that terror and strength alone could
never rule the world. But the men who wrested from the Qin the vast
empire it had created were not bent simply on restoring the old order
of things.
The aristocratic families of the older
feudal states of Zhou, which had bitterly resisted the expansion of
Qin, had been seriously weakened by the steps the conqueror later took
to prevent them from again threatening his power. The opposition that
eventually proved fatal to the Qin dynasty, therefore, came not from
the ranks of the old aristocracy but from the common people. Chen She,
who lead the first major revolt against Qin rule, was a day laborer in
the fields. Liu Ji, the man who finally set up the Han dynasty after
destroying both the Qin and rival rebel factions, was likewise of
humble origin, as were most of his comrades who fought with him to
victory.
As commoners under the Qin, these men knew firsthand the
suffering that its harsh rule had brought to the people. They were
quick to abolish its more offensive laws and institutions, while
leaving intact much of the rest of its elaborate machinery of
government. Under their leadership the new regime of the Han was marked
by plebian heartiness and vigor, simplicity and frugality in
government, and abhorrence of the Legalist doctrines of the hated Qin.
[SCT, 227-8]
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A Second Opinion...
The absence of peasant uprisings during his reign
suggests that the [First] Qin emperor must have enjoyed a measure of
popularity with his subjects. As soon as he died and his unpopular
second son succeeded him, many of the former regional states broke away
once again. The rebels may initially have hoped to restore the
emperor’r first son to power while leaving the Qin dynasty in place. As
the situation at court deteriorated, the rebels, who included both bona
fide peasants and low-ranking officials, began to denounce the cruelty
of the Qin and to call for the founding of a new dynasty. [OE, 112] |
- How does Valerie Hansen’s perspective differ from the one presented in Sources of Chinese Tradition?
- Are both perspectives equally valid...and if not how can we decide which one to adopt?
- Does it even matter which one is closer to the “truth”...and if so, why?
In
the tenth month of the first year of Han (November-December 207 B.C.E.)
Liu Bang finally succeeded in reaching Bashang [near the capital] ahead
of the other leaders [which by agreement among the leaders of different
rebel groups made him the new ruler of China]....He sealed up the
storehouses containing Qin’s
treasures and wealth and returned to camp at Bashang. There he summoned
all the distinguished and powerful men of the districts and addressed
them, saying,
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“Gentlemen,
for a long time you have suffered beneath the harsh laws of Qin. Those
who criticized the government were wiped out along with their families;
those who gathered to talk in private were executed in the public
market. I and the other nobles have made an agreement that he who first
enters the Pass shall rule over the areas within. Accordingly, I am now
king of this territory within the Pass. I hereby promise you a code of
laws consisting of three articles only: he who kills anyone shall
suffer death; he who wounds another or steals shall be punished
according to the gravity of the offense; for the rest I hereby abolish
all laws ofQin.” |
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...The people of Qin were overjoyed and hastened with cattle,
sheep, wine, and food to present to the soldiers. But Liu Bang declined
all such gifts, saying, “There is plenty of grain in the granaries. I
do not wish to be a burden to the people.” With this the people were
more joyful than ever and their only fear was that Liu Bang would not
become king of Qin. [SCT, 233]
| As he sought to increase his popular support,
Liu Bang attacked the Qin for its brutal laws. When his forces won the
decisive battle and entered the Qin capital, he proclaimed [the
“three articles” of the new Han law code, cited above]....So Liu
Bang pledged, but in fact he retained most of the Qin laws. His service
as a neighborhood head gave him some experience with the Qin legal
system, whose careful procedures must have impressed him. Sima Qian
described the early Han legal reforms saying, “When Han arose it
lopped off the harsh corners of the Qin code and retreated to an easy
roundness, whittled away the embellishments and achieved simplicity.”
As his comment suggests, the early Han rulers modified rather than
eliminated the Qin legal system. They allowed those who had been found
guilty to pay fines rather than be subject to stipulated punishments,
the most gruesome of which were canceled. [] [OE, 112] |
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In the first month [of 202 B.C.E.] the
various nobles and generals all joined in begging Liu Bang to take the
title of Exalted Emperor (huangdi),
but he replied, “I have heard that the position ofemperor may go only
to a worthy man. It cannot be claimed by empty words and vain talk. I
do not dare to accept the position of emperor.”
His followers all replied, “Our great king
has risen from the humblest beginnings to punish the wicked and violent
and bring peace to all within the four seas. To those who have achieved
merit he has accordingly parceled out land and enfeoffed them as kings
and marquises. If our king does not assume the supreme title, then all
our titles as well will be called into doubt. On pain of death we urge
our request!”
Liu Bang declined three times and then,
seeing that he could do no more, said, “If you, my lords, all consider
it a good thing, then it must be to the good of the country.” On the
day jiawu [February 28, 202 B.C.E.] he assumed the position of Exalted Emperor on the north banks of the Si River. [SCT, 233-234] |
State-Confucianism
Guidelines for Han Rulers
During the Han period
the social conscience of the Confucians, and their scholarly
qualifications, brought them in increasing numbers into the new
officaldom that replaced the feudal aristocracy of Zhou times.
Reconciling themselves to the new imperial system and its bureacratic
structures, they succeeded in having a state college and system of
competitive examinations set up, which, at least in normal times,
assured a dominant position for scholars in the civil bureaucracy.
[SCT, 284]
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The Victory of Virtue Over Law
Lu Jia (?-170 BCE)
Now actions that do not combine humaneness and
rightness are doomed to failure; structures that foresake a firm
foundation for a high perch are certain to topple. Thus the sage uses
the classics and the arts to prevent disorder, as the craftsman uses
the plumb line to correct crookedness. One who is rich in virtue has
far-flung influence; one who is ample in brute strength may be merely
overbearing. Duke Huan of Qi claimed hegemony through virtue, while the
Second Emperor of the Qin perished through his fondness for penal
codes....The sovereign rules over a good government with humaneness;
the ministers conduct orderly affairs in keeping with rightness. The
people of the realm respect each other through humaneness, and the
officials of the court discourse with each other through on the basis
of rightness....Humaneness is the standard of the Way, and rightness is
the learning for sages. [SCT, 288] |
Dong Zhongshu
Luxuriant Gems of the S&A Annals
Relying on two attitudes that characterized the Confucian
scholar, a respect for the past and a veneration for the writings of
Confucius, Dong [Zhongshu] hoped to reform imperial sovereignty by
re-creating both history and text....His persuasive interpretations,
among other factors, enabled Dong Zhongshu and other reformist scholars
under Emperor Wu to end state support for the teaching of non-Confucian
texts and to establish a text-based ideology represented in the first
Confucian canon. Thenceforth, the Confucian canon played a prominent
role in the doctrinal and political life of the traditional state. The
designation in 136 B.C.E. of official posts known as the “Erudites of
the Five Classics” and the establishment in 124 B.C.E. of the Imperial
College, where these texts were taught as a basic prerequisite for
training in the polity, were the institutional expressions of this
canonization. [SCT, 293-294]
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