Emperor Wu (r. 140-87 BCE)
Confucian Sage or Legalist Tyrant?


The Confucian Emperor Wu
Emperor Wu’s Confucianism deeply reflected the influence of his advisor Dong Zhongshu (175?-105? B.C.), who believed that the emperor served to link heaven with his subjects. If he governed well, heaven would continue to support him, but if he violated heaven’s intent, heaven could send various portents to warn him of his misconduct. These portents could appear in the form of eclipses, floods, droughts, or any other calamity....Emperor Wu may have turned to Confucian scholars like Dong Zhongshu as an alternative to the Huang-Lao school. Dong Zhongshu urged the emperor to ban all members of non-Confucian schools, and he encouraged the emperor to support the study of Confucian classics. In the years just before or just after the empress’s death, the emperor named five scholars to the position of Erudite Scholars, each of whom specialized in a different Confucian classic: The Book of Changes The Book of Documents, The Book of Songs, The Book of Rites, and The Spring and Autumn Annals. The selection of these five books as the most important texts marked the first step in the formation of the Confucian canon. When the emperor named fifty students to study with the Erudite Scholars in 124 B.C., he created an imperial academy, whose students could enter the government. It grew quickly, enrolling three thousand students in the next seventy-five years. Emperor Wu also established schools in each locality; students in these schools could join the local government, attend the imperial academy, or be recruited into the central bureaucracy. [OE, 126-127]

The Great Learning
From The Book of Rites
The Way of the Great Learning lies in illuminating luminous virtue, treating the people with affection, and resting in perfect goodness....Those in antiquity who wished to illumine luminous virtue thoughout the world would first govern their states; wishing to govern their states, they would first bring order to their families; wishing to bring order to their families, they would first cultivate their own persons; wishing to cultivate their own persons, they would first rectify their minds; wishing to rectify their minds, they would first make their thoughts sincere; wishing to make their thoughts sincere, they would first extend their knowledge. The extension of knowledge lies in the investigation of things.
       It is only when things are investigated that knowledge is extended; when knowledge is extended...; [it is only] when the state is well governed that peace is brought to the world.
       From the Son of Heaven to ordinary people, all, without exception, should regard cultivating the person as the root. It can never happen that the root is disordered and the branches are ordered.... [SCT, 330-331]

The Legalist Emperor Wu
Confucian scholars were useful in devising legitimating ceremonies, drafting state papers, and educating the next generation of officials, but they did not determine the main directions of state policy, and frequently opposed them. Emperor Wu’s regime was inclined to take aggressive action in all directions as soon as it was free of the restraining influence of the Grand Dowager Empress Dou. A Han ambush of a large party of Xiongnu in 134 was followed by annual Xiongnu raids along the border. These expansionist policies were opposed by many officials, including one Zhufu Yan...
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....But in 127 Zhufu Yan changed his tune, urging that the Han reoccupy the territory within the northward bend of the Yellow River, restoring the Qin line of defenses in that area. His recommendation was followed, and the Han armies were successful. Zhufu Yan also urged a general policy of dividing up the territories of marquises among their heirs, on the Confucian grounds that this would encourage warm family feelings and filial piety, and accused the kings of Yan and Qi of personal moral offenses. Both kings committed suicide, neither had an heir, and their kingdoms came under central control. The linking of efforts to strengthen central power and calls for an aggressive foreign policy, the use of Confucian moral concerns to justify “Legalist” centralization, are striking. Zhufu Yan may have changed his views on foreign policy because he sensed what Emperor Wu and the powerful generals wanted to hear. His days of success as a policy adviser were short, however; the king of Zhao accused him of corruption and he was executed. [MOF, 56-57]

The abolition of [the kingdoms of Huainan and Hengshan] in 122 B.C.E. seems to have been decisive in breaking the power of the kingdoms. In 112 almost all the marquisates that had been inherited since the reign of Emperor Gao were abolished. By that time the share of the empire ruled by kings was much smaller than it had been in 141. [MOF, 58]

...A spectacular burst of military activity began in 121. The Xiongnu, defeated in 121 and in 119, retreated north, beyond the Gobi Desert. The Xiongnu retreat from the upper reaches of the Yellow River allowed the Han to move into that region and on out along the “Silk Road,” the oasis trade route that linked China with Persia and the Roman Orient. New commanderies were set up on that frontier from 108 to 104. Explorations to the northwest under Zhang Qian culminated in the Han conquest of Ferghana, beyond the present northwest frontier of the People’s Republic, in 104. A series of conflicts in the northeast led to the establishment of full Han rule over much of the Korean peninsula in 108. [MOF, 58]


So, in the end was Emperor Wu a Confucian Sage, a Legalist Tyrant...or something in between?